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Aysen Slack spent years paying for her own medicine. The 65-year-old from Eastbourne found that fampridine, a tablet that helps some people with multiple sclerosis walk more easily, worked for her. She kept buying it privately until the cost became unsustainable, then stopped, and her mobility declined to the point where she now relies on sticks inside her own flat. This week NHS England confirmed the drug will finally be routinely available to patients like her. The news has been framed as a breakthrough. It would be more accurate to call it an admission of how long the system took to catch up with evidence it already had.
Fampridine has been usable on the NHS in Wales since 2019, in Scotland since 2020, and in Northern Ireland since 2023. In England it was rejected twice by the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence, in 2021 and again in 2022, on the grounds that it did not represent value for money at the price the manufacturer wanted. That judgment was never overturned. What changed is that NHS England's own specialised commissioning process, working through a separate prioritisation exercise convened this year, found room within a constrained budget to fund it anyway. The drug did not become more effective in the intervening four years. Something in the commercial or budgetary calculus did.
This matters well beyond neurology. Specialised commissioning sits at an odd junction in the English system, expected to fund high-cost, low-volume treatments from a fixed national envelope while NICE applies a cost-effectiveness threshold that assumes a rationality the money supply does not always allow. When a drug clears NICE, funding is meant to follow automatically. When NICE says no, as it did here, patients are left dependent on a slower, discretionary route that competes against other treatments for headroom that may or may not appear. Fampridine sat in that gap for the better part of a decade of campaigning, board papers and patient testimony before commissioners found the space to fund it.
The idea is emphasised by the differences across the four countries. Devolved health systems operate their own appraisal routes and reached a different conclusion on the same clinical trial data years before England did. Whatever the merits of that flexibility, it has produced exactly the kind of geographic inequity in access to treatment that repeated NHS England reviews under Jim Mackey have promised to confront in principle, even as this case shows how persistently it recurs in practice. A patient with the same diagnosis and the same walking impairment received four additional years of state-funded treatment for having lived in Cardiff rather than Eastbourne.
There is a life sciences dimension too. Manufacturers price specialised treatments against what individual health systems will bear, and a rejection by NICE does not end that negotiation so much as relocate it. Whatever commercial terms eventually persuaded NHS England to fund fampridine were presumably available, in some form, considerably earlier. If pricing flexibility only appears once patient advocacy and political attention reach a certain threshold, that is a poor advertisement for a system that claims to reward companies for engaging constructively rather than waiting out the pressure.
None of this diminishes what the decision means for the roughly five thousand patients a year who may now benefit, nor the relief it will bring to people like Slack. But NHS leaders should resist treating this as a self-contained success story. The structural weakness it reveals, a cost-effectiveness gatekeeper working apart from the discretionary budget meant to catch what it rejects, will produce the next four-year wait for a different condition unless the two processes are made to talk to each other properly. Fampridine got there in the end. The next drug in this position may not have patients willing, or able, to fund the wait themselves.